By Maria Victoria Taborelli
Following the widespread mobilizations sparked by the tragic murder of George Floyd in May 2020, millions across the United States and around the globe anticipated a paradigm shift. The video footage of Floyd’s final moments was there on our cellphones, computers, and TVs. Everyone was able to hear George Floyd’s last words.
And it wasn’t just about George Floyd. That case was only made visible because of its widespread dissemination via social media and its heightened visibility during the pandemic as most people were forced to stay home, spending more time watching television. Many people were able to testify to the brutality and discriminatory bias from which officers, the police as an institution, and justice operate in the US. After Floyd’s murder, though, something seemed to change. Movements such as Black Lives Matter amplified a collective demand to stop police brutality against people of color and call for police accountability that began to have greater resonance. Even though Breonna Taylor’s death at the hands of police officers in Kentucky occurred in March 2020, – months before George Floyd’s, his murder focused attention on other police killings, leading to calls for accountability for her death.
In Rhode Island, Jhamal Gonsalves, a twenty-four-year-old man who was critically injured after a Providence Police officer struck him with a car, leaving him in a coma, reignited protests and fueled demands for urgent modifications in laws, police funding, and incarceration bias. The City of Providence later signed a settlement for $11 million with his family. These incidents have spurred a reckoning with systemic injustices and fueled a growing demand for substantive changes to address racial disparities in policing and criminal justice.
After four years, in the aftermath of the George Floyd events, efforts have been made to assess the actual changes resulting from the mobilizations of 2020. Has there been less violence perpetrated by police against people of color since 2020? The data says no:
Graph 1: This graph shows a racial breakdown of the number of deaths caused by the police per million inhabitants from 2013 to 2023 on a national scale. Each color corresponds to a different race. We can see that the orange line, indicating the Black population, shows a slight upward trend starting in 2022, the year of George Floyd’s murder. This indicates that from this year onward, deaths caused by the police among the Black population have slightly increased on a national scale.
Graph 2 maps the number of Black people killed by police 3 years before George Floyd’s murder (2018-2020) and compares it with the number of Black people killed by police 3 years after his murder (2021-2023) on a national scale. The states colored in yellowish/light green show a decrease in these killings after George Floyd’s murder (AGF), while the states colored in dark green show an increase in these killings AGF. The states in green remain the same.
Graph 3 provides a zoom-in on a regional scale, focusing on the states in New England. The states with a positive number, shown in darker green, indicate an increase in police killings AGF (After George Floyd). The lighter green states show a negative number, meaning these killings have decreased. The states showing 0.0 indicate that the number has remained the same.
In an attempt to gauge the current status regarding the demands that arose at that time and have continued to evolve to the present day, In the Wake of George Floyd, conducted interviews with representatives from various organizations in Rhode Island, as well as independent journalists. We discussed the initiatives undertaken or currently underway by the key stakeholders involved in the pursuit of change concerning police brutality against people of color. Defunding the police, calling for police accountability, and decriminalization stand out as the main concerns, but what do they actually mean? What initiatives exist in RI to achieve these goals? Who advocates for these initiatives in RI? Who rejects them?
What does it mean…
(1) to defund the police?
“we’re not trying to have a state that is lawless. In fact, what we’re trying to do is create a state in which people who need help have their needs met. And actually rethinking, reimagining public safety, in a manner that not only is safer, but also lessens the burden on police and their responsibilities.” Harrison Tuttle (President and founding member of BLM RI PAC)
“we just wanted to make it really clear that this movement to defund the police and George Floyd’s murder is part of a larger system of mass incarceration of policing and incarcerating people.” Anusha Alles (Executive Director at DARE)
“Don’t forget, it’s not a monolith, right? (…)Not everybody has the same idea of what defund the police even means, you know, we can talk about abolishing the police – what that looks like, what that’s about but getting from here to there is a program of ideas and alternatives that need to be developed. And so defunding, is that just a matter of cutting funds? Or is that a matter of abolishing? (…)And when you talk to people in the community, go door to door, just people in the street and say are you in favor of abolishing the police, they’ll say not really, what they want is a police force that works for them the same way it works for a white dude who lives on the east side like me, right? Steven Alhquist (UPRISE)
There is no single definition of what it means to ‘defund the police’ , as various organizations, activists, and policymakers advocate for different approaches, ranging from reforming the police institution to its complete abolition. At its core, it represents a call for significant changes in how communities approach public safety. Rather than solely relying on law enforcement, proponents advocate for reallocating resources from policing toward social and community services. This reallocation would fund initiatives such as school counseling, rent stabilization for low-income families, non-punitive responses to homelessness, and resources to address mental health and substance abuse crises.
In essence, ‘defund the police’ is a call to reimagine public safety, envisioning a society where crime reduction is achieved through community investment and support rather than through punitive measures. It represents a commitment to fostering safer and more equitable communities by addressing the root causes of crime and violence and dismantling the pipeline from poverty to prison.
(2) to call for police accountability?
“They [police officers] can’t be fired or suspended for longer than two days until they go through a hearing and they are heard by a board that’s made up of police officers, so they basically can’t be held accountable in Rhode Island (…)So it’s really, terrible, and we’re one of the worst states in the country because of that bill, in terms of holding police accountable.” Anusha Alles (Executive Director at DARE)
Police accountability is a multifaceted issue that requires consideration of both current legislation and systemic racism. Research has shown that in the United States, individuals who are Black face two to three times greater likelihood of encountering deadly force compared to their white counterparts. This stark disparity underscores the urgent need for reform.
One significant obstacle to holding law enforcement officers accountable is the legal privileges afforded to them, commonly known as the Law Enforcement Officers’ Bill of Rights (LEOBOR, LEOBR, or LEOBoR). These privileges often shield officers from facing the same consequences as ordinary citizens for crimes, biases, discriminatory actions, and instances of brutality they may commit. Rhode Island’s LEOBOR law was created in 1976 and came under increased scrutiny following the murder of George Floyd. Under the LEOBOR, officers are exclusively evaluated by their peers within the law enforcement community. LEOBOR hearings involve a panel of three individuals, either active or retired police officers. One member is selected by the chief, another by the officer under investigation, and the third is chosen jointly by both parties or appointed by the presiding Superior Court justice in cases of disagreement. Furthermore, LEOBOR limits the capacity of police chiefs to disclose the specifics of these proceedings publicly. This regulation effectively prohibits the establishment of independent review boards, which play a crucial role in offering impartial oversight of police conduct.
Reforming laws to establish a more transparent legal process for adjudicating police misconduct is essential for advancing the cause of police accountability
(3) to advocate for decriminalization?
Advocating for decriminalization is a response to the issue of mass incarceration. Despite comprising less than 5 percent of the global population, the United States detains almost a quarter of all prisoners worldwide, largely due to its war on drugs. This disproportionate incarceration, particularly affecting people of color, results from misguided drug policies and harsh sentencing laws. Although drug usage rates are similar across racial and ethnic lines, Black and Latino individuals face higher levels of criminalization compared to their white counterparts.
Marginalized racial groups experience discrimination across various stages of the legal system, leading to an increased likelihood of being stopped, searched, arrested, convicted, harshly sentenced, and burdened with lasting criminal records, particularly regarding drug offenses. To address this issue, advocates suggest decriminalizing drug possession alongside implementing mental health policies and reforming policies that impede the rights of those with arrest or conviction records, such as voting barriers and employment restrictions.
Additionally, advocating for probation system reforms is crucial. Rhode Island, with the second-highest probation rate in the nation, detains individuals for a minimum of two weeks upon an accusation of a 32F violation. If someone is on probation, they must adhere to specific terms or conditions, one of which is maintaining peace and good behavior. If there’s an accusation of breaching these terms, the State typically initiates a Rule 32F violation. The individual will then need to appear in court for the new charge, where a violation hearing may be scheduled. The judge could grant bail with the condition of attending the hearing, or detain the individual without bail until the hearing. This detention can lead to significant losses in employment, housing, and custody, even if the accusation is later disproven. Allowing individuals the opportunity to contest charges and violations within their communities instead of behind bars is a vital step toward decriminalizing marginalized communities.
What initiatives exist in RI to achieve these goals?
The Providence Alliance for Student Safety (PASS) was started in December 2019 by the Alliance of Rhode Island Southeast Asians for Education (ARISE), Providence Student Union (PSU), and Providence Youth Student Movement (PrYSM). Together they created this petition to remove School Resource Officers (SROs) from all Providence Schools and hire health and safety staff focused on alternative measures for conflict resolution.
The petition is still open and you can sign it here.
On the other hand, School Safety NOW is a non-profit organization located in Rhode Island that advocates for putting a law enforcement officer in every school.
2. Reform LEOBOR
Bill 2096 presented by Rhode Island Senate President Dominick Ruggerio on January 23rd, 2024, received a unanimous 35-0 vote in the Senate.
The main changes proposed by this bill to the current Law are:
- Expanding the membership of the hearing panel who review the case from three to five people, with seats specifically for a retired judge and the executive director of the Providence-based Nonviolence Institute, and three randomly selected police officers
- Increasing the length of an unpaid suspension from a two-day maximum to 14 days.
- Permitting police chiefs to issue statements and disclose video footage regarding incidents involving their officers before a hearing, while also mandating the online publication of hearings, verdicts, and actions taken, including identifying the officer under review.
In June 2024, the reform measure was signed into law by RI Governor Dan McKee after Senate and House members struck a compromise on the composition of the review panel. Panelists must include three randomly selected officers, a retired judge, and an attorney “selected in consultation with the Rhode Island Supreme Court’s committee on racial and ethnic fairness.” However, some argue that the reforms don’t go far enough.
You can review the history and status of this bill here.
3. Repeal LEOBOR
Some activists and policymakers believe that reforming LEOBOR is not enough and advocate for its complete rejection.
Since 2023, different bills have been discussed but none passed. (e.g RI H5567)
On the same page, Black Lives Matter Rhode Island Progressive Action Committee (BLM RI PAC) advocates for a campaign to repeal LEOBOR, citing testimonies that highlight how the current law obstructs police accountability and transparency
4. Bail on 32
In Rhode Island, individuals detained for alleged probation violations file are held without the possibility of bail, regardless of their innocence or guilt.
This campaign advocates for the passage of bills S411 and H5571, which seek to allow courts to set reasonable bail for those accused of probation violations.
This community fund aims to assist residents in settling criminal court fines, fees, restitution, home confinement, and probation fees. Upon completing prison terms, many Rhode Islanders confront substantial court-assigned debts. For those reentering society, this debt, alongside existing barriers like job discrimination, housing instability, and limited healthcare access, poses a significant obstacle. In Rhode Island, failure to meet payments can lead to re-arrest or probation violation, exacerbating the challenges of successful reentry.
6. Fair Chance Licensing bill (passed in 2020)
In Rhode Island, current laws also enable occupational license denial based on arrest records, convictions, and expunged records. These barriers perpetuate systemic racism against Black and brown communities.
The Fair Chance Licensing bill, upon enactment, will mandate licensing agencies to consider the relevance of a conviction to the occupation, provide reasoning to applicants, establish an appeals process, and report demographic data on denials. Arrest records without convictions, juvenile adjudications, and expunged records will no longer justify denial.
Who advocates for these initiatives in RI?
Black Lives Matter Rhode Island Pac
Direct Action For Rights And Equality: DARE
The Providence Alliance for Student Safety